Assignment Prompt & Instructions
– ## WhatisaPechaKucha1.docx
– ## SexWorkPolicyReform.docx
– ReclaimingAgency.docx.pdf
**## WhatisaPechaKucha1.docx**
**ENGL 1102: PechaKucha**
**What is a PechaKucha?**
A PechaKucha is a presentation style that originated in Japan. The basic format is 20 slides presented at a rate of 20 second each. The idea is to make a more visual, engaging-style of presentation. Whereas many presenters who aren't using the PechaKucha format use fewer slides and load their slides with text (e.g. some lectures given by college faculty), PechaKucha presenters speed up the pace. In many cities, "PechaKucha Nights" feature presenters talking about various subjects using timed slides to keep everyone on pace. Most PechaKucha slides are visual as opposed to text-based. Some presentations contain no text whatsoever.
**Examples of PechaKucha**
1)
[PechaKucha on Making a PechaKucha](a.https://youtu.be/L31SwpN1dAc?si=jloJFCYspYYnWUuN)
a. Some of the slides are used as "special effects" to appeal to the audience.
b. Notice the juxtaposition of simple/complex material.
2)
[Student PechaKucha on Minimum Wage](https://youtu.be/JFSFQZtrAZk?si=6DFY2g_iAqxi-D3Z)
a. More "found images" and memes as opposed to original slides
b. Play of voices/rhetorical questions/use of a "naysayer" to create a sense of conversation and structure.
c. Presented from script
3)
[Next Generation Work, Next Generation Workers](https://www.pechakucha.com/presentations/next-generation-work-next-generation-workers)
a. A "true" PechaKucha using only images; no text.
b. Presented before an audience without notes.
**Additional Resources for Examples and Strategies**
1) Pechakucha.com
2) YouTube
**Recording**
The easiest and most versatile way to record your presentation is to use an application many people already have on their computer: Zoom. If you don't have Zoom, you can download it for free online. Inside of Zoom, you will "host" a meeting with yourself as the sole participant, share your screen and video, and record your presentation.
[Here is a short video that explains the process](https://youtu.be/P6cTbnUPwfY?si=cj3QeWq2EmZb6-rC).
**Considerations**
I will be looking for the following from your presentation
1)
**Overall run-time for the presentation of 6:30-8:30 minutes.** Don't worry about editing out dead air and the beginning and end of the presentation. Don't worry about minor stumbles. But do practice your presentation and keep it short.
Nothing longer than 8:30 please!We want you to give a streamlined version of your argument. This will require you to
cut and rework material from your essay, possibly for a different audience.
2)
**General use of the PechaKucha format.** I will not be counting slides or timing them; however, I do expect you to adhere to the general principles of PechaKucha outlined above. You should have at least 15 slides and spend roughly 20-40 second per slide.
3)
**Presentation features evidence of efforts to**
**_engage_ _the audience_** by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc.
4)
**Presentation presents a**
**_clear and concise_ summary** of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument
5)
**Presentation demonstrates**
**_evidence of planning_** through slide design, flow, structure, etc.
| | |
| — | — |
| Category | Score |
| Presentation is a <br>_PechaKucha_ between 6:30-8:30 minutes in length and features 15-20 slides (20 points) | |
| Presentation features evidence of efforts to <br>_engage_ _the audience_ by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc. (20 points) | |
| Presentation presents a <br>_clear and concise_ summary of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument. (25 points) | |
| Presentation demonstrates <br>_evidence of planning_ through slide design, flow, structure, etc. (25 points) | |
| Use of at least three <br>_original photographs_ taken by you, the presenter (10 points) | |
| Total: | |
**## SexWorkPolicyReform.docx**
Surname 2
Student’s name
Course Code & Title
Instructor’s name
Date
**Sex Work Policy Reform**
Aroney, Eurydice. "Changing minds and changing laws: How New Zealand sex workers and their allies shaped decriminalisation in New Zealand."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 18.4 (2021): 952-967.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z)
Aroney outlines coalition-building, framing of public health, and worker leadership behavior that led to the eventual decriminalization of New Zealand in 2003. The paper shows that by putting sex-workers in the center and employing evidence of harm-reduction, the re-evaluation of risk-assessments by legislators was re-established. This historical review supports the claim in the essay that long-term reform can be developed when policy alliances put labor rights and safety first, rather than moral panic, and this offers practical approaches (such as redefining what constitutes a public nuisance as a workplace safety) to the U.S. campaigns.
Armstrong, Lynzi. "‘I can Lead the life that I want to Lead’: social harm, human needs and the decriminalisation of sex work in Aotearoa/New Zealand."
_Sexuality research and social policy_ 18.4 (2021): 941-951.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7)
Using the narratives of New Zealand sex workers, Armstrong documents post-reform improvements in autonomy, bargaining power and recourse against violence, yet also says that stigma lingers. The research supports the argument in the essay that decriminalization is structural harm reduction by increasing access to justice and occupational health and, at the same time, demonstrates the need to make complementary investments in housing and immigration protection. These results undermine the so-called advantages of the so-called Nordic model by preempting the results that employees value: safety, self-determination, and labor norms.
Macioti, Paola Gioia, Jennifer Power, and Adam Bourne. "The health and well-being of sex workers in decriminalised contexts: a scoping review."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 20.3 (2023): 1013-1031.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8)
This scoping review aggregates the empirical studies carried out in the decriminalized situations. Results suggest an increased availability of health services, better relations with law enforcement and stronger work place controls, despite the gaps that were found with regard to migrant and trans workers. The inferences support the overall argument of the essay that the decriminalization undermines structural risk factors of violence and poor health outcomes, including policing and stigma. The researchers also highlight that intersectional inequities research is necessary, and this perspective guides the advocacy of the essay that will focus on protective measures outside of the legal dimension.
Argento, Elena, et al. "The impact of end-demand legislation on sex workers’ access to health and sex worker-led services: A community-based prospective cohort study in Canada."
_PloS one_ 15.4 (2020): e0225783.
[https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783](https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783)
Using longitudinal data of the city of Vancouver, the study proves that the process of criminalizing buyers, i.e. end-demand, reduced access to healthcare and community resources and increased the risk due to the displacement of workers. These empirical results challenge claims of the Nordic model protecting sex workers, thus supporting the thesis of the essay that partial criminalization maintains damaging policing and affects harm-reduction infrastructures. The methodologies based on the community improve credibility through foregrounding barriers that are reported by workers.
McBride, Bronwyn, et al. "Harms of third-party criminalisation under end-demand legislation: undermining sex workers’ safety and rights."
_Culture, Health & Sexuality_ 23.9 (2021): 1165-1181.
[https://doi.org/ 10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305.](https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305)
McBride and colleagues explain how making third parties (receptionists, security staff and managers) criminal infringes upon necessary safety initiatives, such as client screening, inside work, and resource-sharing, and exacerbates occupational risk. This fact supports the claim of the essay that labor-law interventions (e.g., licensing, occupational health and safety standards) are more effective than criminal punishment in alleviating exploitation. It also explains why the tendency to anti-pimping legislations backfires by throwing the arrangements to the dark side.
Bennachie, Calum, et al. "Unfinished decriminalization: The impact of Section 19 of the Prostitution Reform Act 2003 on migrant sex workers’ rights and lives in Aotearoa New Zealand."
_Social Sciences_ 10.5 (2021): 179.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179)
Though Aotearoa New Zealand decriminalized sex work under the Prostitution Reform Act 2003, Section 19 specifically excludes the protection of migrants. Based on ethnographic and interview data collected over 24 months as part of the SEXHUM project, Bennachie et al. exhibit that such exclusion makes migrant sex workers vulnerable to exploitation and deportation, thus discouraging them to report the abuse or seek the help of the support services. The research situates these results in the context of more generalized forms of racialized and gendered expressions of sexual humanitarianism and demonstrates that decriminalization falls short unless it accompanies policies of immigration and anti-discrimination. These results put in place a warning precedent to jurisdictions that intend to make reforms excluding non-citizens.
Pearson, Jennie, et al. "Sex work community participation in criminalized environments: a community-based cohort study of occupational health impacts in Vancouver, Canada: 2010–2019."
_International Journal for Equity in Health_ 21.1 (2022): 18.
[https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8](https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8)
The authors examined nine years of cohort data of Vancouver, showing that participation in sex-worker community-based programs was associated with low chances of STI seropositivity, even in a criminalized environment. This statistical data confirms the argumentative recommendation of this essay to invest in sex-worker-led organizations as key elements of the public-health infrastructure and it highlights the inhibitory impacts of criminalization and racism on access by migrant and women-of-color groups.
Benoit, C., & Mellor, A. (2023). Decriminalization and what else? Alternative structural interventions to promote the health, safety, and rights of sex workers.
_Social Sciences_,
_12_(4), 202.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202)
This agenda-setting paper considers structural interventions that complement legal reform, i.e. housing, income support mechanisms, urban planning in ways that can help to support safer work environments, and digital access. It supports the thesis of the essay that despite the necessity of decriminalization, it is still not enough; more material safety and economic security should be organized on a broader labor policy and social policy, particularly in the post-COVID era. The synthesis helps in transforming normative promises into policy leverages that are implementable.
Brown, K., Grace, S., & Redman, S. (2025). Policing vulnerability: The care and control of sex workers through designated police officers.
_The British journal of criminology_,
_65_(1), 17-36.
[https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026](https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026)
Informed by collaboratively produced research on an English police force, this article assesses the functionality of Sex Work Liaison Officer roles. Despite some of the trust-building processes that arose, the study concludes that caregiving has been limited by criminalization and creates contradictory surveillance and control practices. These results support the argument of the essay that genuine safety requires elimination of criminal punishment then the institution of rights-based, non-police avenues to justice. The paper provides a valuable comparative vision of policing-based reforms and decriminalization.
Blunt, Danielle, and Ariel Wolf. "Erased: The impact of FOSTA-SESTA and the removal of Backpage on sex workers."
_Anti-trafficking review_ 14 (2020): 117-121.
[https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148](https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148)
Blunt and Wolf (2020) document the impacts of FOSTA-SESTA and the 2018 shutdown of Backpage via participatory, sex worker–led research. Through surveys with online and street-based workers, they conclude that platform censorship reduced income security, devastated digital harm-reduction practices (like client review systems), and dispersed online communities. The study illustrates how "anti-trafficking" policy can heighten precarity and violence by dismantling the digital infrastructures that once protected workers.
**ReclaimingAgency.docx.pdf**
This file is too large to display. [View in new window](https://www.sweetstudy.com/files/reclaimingagency-docx-pdf)
**ReclaimingAgency.docx.pdf**
This file is too large to display. [View in new window](https://www.sweetstudy.com/files/reclaimingagency-docx-pdf)
**## WhatisaPechaKucha1.docx**
**ENGL 1102: PechaKucha**
**What is a PechaKucha?**
A PechaKucha is a presentation style that originated in Japan. The basic format is 20 slides presented at a rate of 20 second each. The idea is to make a more visual, engaging-style of presentation. Whereas many presenters who aren't using the PechaKucha format use fewer slides and load their slides with text (e.g. some lectures given by college faculty), PechaKucha presenters speed up the pace. In many cities, "PechaKucha Nights" feature presenters talking about various subjects using timed slides to keep everyone on pace. Most PechaKucha slides are visual as opposed to text-based. Some presentations contain no text whatsoever.
**Examples of PechaKucha**
1)
[PechaKucha on Making a PechaKucha](a.https://youtu.be/L31SwpN1dAc?si=jloJFCYspYYnWUuN)
a. Some of the slides are used as "special effects" to appeal to the audience.
b. Notice the juxtaposition of simple/complex material.
2)
[Student PechaKucha on Minimum Wage](https://youtu.be/JFSFQZtrAZk?si=6DFY2g_iAqxi-D3Z)
a. More "found images" and memes as opposed to original slides
b. Play of voices/rhetorical questions/use of a "naysayer" to create a sense of conversation and structure.
c. Presented from script
3)
[Next Generation Work, Next Generation Workers](https://www.pechakucha.com/presentations/next-generation-work-next-generation-workers)
a. A "true" PechaKucha using only images; no text.
b. Presented before an audience without notes.
**Additional Resources for Examples and Strategies**
1) Pechakucha.com
2) YouTube
**Recording**
The easiest and most versatile way to record your presentation is to use an application many people already have on their computer: Zoom. If you don't have Zoom, you can download it for free online. Inside of Zoom, you will "host" a meeting with yourself as the sole participant, share your screen and video, and record your presentation.
[Here is a short video that explains the process](https://youtu.be/P6cTbnUPwfY?si=cj3QeWq2EmZb6-rC).
**Considerations**
I will be looking for the following from your presentation
1)
**Overall run-time for the presentation of 6:30-8:30 minutes.** Don't worry about editing out dead air and the beginning and end of the presentation. Don't worry about minor stumbles. But do practice your presentation and keep it short.
Nothing longer than 8:30 please!We want you to give a streamlined version of your argument. This will require you to
cut and rework material from your essay, possibly for a different audience.
2)
**General use of the PechaKucha format.** I will not be counting slides or timing them; however, I do expect you to adhere to the general principles of PechaKucha outlined above. You should have at least 15 slides and spend roughly 20-40 second per slide.
3)
**Presentation features evidence of efforts to**
**_engage_ _the audience_** by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc.
4)
**Presentation presents a**
**_clear and concise_ summary** of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument
5)
**Presentation demonstrates**
**_evidence of planning_** through slide design, flow, structure, etc.
| | |
| — | — |
| Category | Score |
| Presentation is a <br>_PechaKucha_ between 6:30-8:30 minutes in length and features 15-20 slides (20 points) | |
| Presentation features evidence of efforts to <br>_engage_ _the audience_ by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc. (20 points) | |
| Presentation presents a <br>_clear and concise_ summary of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument. (25 points) | |
| Presentation demonstrates <br>_evidence of planning_ through slide design, flow, structure, etc. (25 points) | |
| Use of at least three <br>_original photographs_ taken by you, the presenter (10 points) | |
| Total: | |
**## SexWorkPolicyReform.docx**
Surname 2
Student’s name
Course Code & Title
Instructor’s name
Date
**Sex Work Policy Reform**
Aroney, Eurydice. "Changing minds and changing laws: How New Zealand sex workers and their allies shaped decriminalisation in New Zealand."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 18.4 (2021): 952-967.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z)
Aroney outlines coalition-building, framing of public health, and worker leadership behavior that led to the eventual decriminalization of New Zealand in 2003. The paper shows that by putting sex-workers in the center and employing evidence of harm-reduction, the re-evaluation of risk-assessments by legislators was re-established. This historical review supports the claim in the essay that long-term reform can be developed when policy alliances put labor rights and safety first, rather than moral panic, and this offers practical approaches (such as redefining what constitutes a public nuisance as a workplace safety) to the U.S. campaigns.
Armstrong, Lynzi. "‘I can Lead the life that I want to Lead’: social harm, human needs and the decriminalisation of sex work in Aotearoa/New Zealand."
_Sexuality research and social policy_ 18.4 (2021): 941-951.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7)
Using the narratives of New Zealand sex workers, Armstrong documents post-reform improvements in autonomy, bargaining power and recourse against violence, yet also says that stigma lingers. The research supports the argument in the essay that decriminalization is structural harm reduction by increasing access to justice and occupational health and, at the same time, demonstrates the need to make complementary investments in housing and immigration protection. These results undermine the so-called advantages of the so-called Nordic model by preempting the results that employees value: safety, self-determination, and labor norms.
Macioti, Paola Gioia, Jennifer Power, and Adam Bourne. "The health and well-being of sex workers in decriminalised contexts: a scoping review."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 20.3 (2023): 1013-1031.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8)
This scoping review aggregates the empirical studies carried out in the decriminalized situations. Results suggest an increased availability of health services, better relations with law enforcement and stronger work place controls, despite the gaps that were found with regard to migrant and trans workers. The inferences support the overall argument of the essay that the decriminalization undermines structural risk factors of violence and poor health outcomes, including policing and stigma. The researchers also highlight that intersectional inequities research is necessary, and this perspective guides the advocacy of the essay that will focus on protective measures outside of the legal dimension.
Argento, Elena, et al. "The impact of end-demand legislation on sex workers’ access to health and sex worker-led services: A community-based prospective cohort study in Canada."
_PloS one_ 15.4 (2020): e0225783.
[https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783](https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783)
Using longitudinal data of the city of Vancouver, the study proves that the process of criminalizing buyers, i.e. end-demand, reduced access to healthcare and community resources and increased the risk due to the displacement of workers. These empirical results challenge claims of the Nordic model protecting sex workers, thus supporting the thesis of the essay that partial criminalization maintains damaging policing and affects harm-reduction infrastructures. The methodologies based on the community improve credibility through foregrounding barriers that are reported by workers.
McBride, Bronwyn, et al. "Harms of third-party criminalisation under end-demand legislation: undermining sex workers’ safety and rights."
_Culture, Health & Sexuality_ 23.9 (2021): 1165-1181.
[https://doi.org/ 10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305.](https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305)
McBride and colleagues explain how making third parties (receptionists, security staff and managers) criminal infringes upon necessary safety initiatives, such as client screening, inside work, and resource-sharing, and exacerbates occupational risk. This fact supports the claim of the essay that labor-law interventions (e.g., licensing, occupational health and safety standards) are more effective than criminal punishment in alleviating exploitation. It also explains why the tendency to anti-pimping legislations backfires by throwing the arrangements to the dark side.
Bennachie, Calum, et al. "Unfinished decriminalization: The impact of Section 19 of the Prostitution Reform Act 2003 on migrant sex workers’ rights and lives in Aotearoa New Zealand."
_Social Sciences_ 10.5 (2021): 179.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179)
Though Aotearoa New Zealand decriminalized sex work under the Prostitution Reform Act 2003, Section 19 specifically excludes the protection of migrants. Based on ethnographic and interview data collected over 24 months as part of the SEXHUM project, Bennachie et al. exhibit that such exclusion makes migrant sex workers vulnerable to exploitation and deportation, thus discouraging them to report the abuse or seek the help of the support services. The research situates these results in the context of more generalized forms of racialized and gendered expressions of sexual humanitarianism and demonstrates that decriminalization falls short unless it accompanies policies of immigration and anti-discrimination. These results put in place a warning precedent to jurisdictions that intend to make reforms excluding non-citizens.
Pearson, Jennie, et al. "Sex work community participation in criminalized environments: a community-based cohort study of occupational health impacts in Vancouver, Canada: 2010–2019."
_International Journal for Equity in Health_ 21.1 (2022): 18.
[https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8](https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8)
The authors examined nine years of cohort data of Vancouver, showing that participation in sex-worker community-based programs was associated with low chances of STI seropositivity, even in a criminalized environment. This statistical data confirms the argumentative recommendation of this essay to invest in sex-worker-led organizations as key elements of the public-health infrastructure and it highlights the inhibitory impacts of criminalization and racism on access by migrant and women-of-color groups.
Benoit, C., & Mellor, A. (2023). Decriminalization and what else? Alternative structural interventions to promote the health, safety, and rights of sex workers.
_Social Sciences_,
_12_(4), 202.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202)
This agenda-setting paper considers structural interventions that complement legal reform, i.e. housing, income support mechanisms, urban planning in ways that can help to support safer work environments, and digital access. It supports the thesis of the essay that despite the necessity of decriminalization, it is still not enough; more material safety and economic security should be organized on a broader labor policy and social policy, particularly in the post-COVID era. The synthesis helps in transforming normative promises into policy leverages that are implementable.
Brown, K., Grace, S., & Redman, S. (2025). Policing vulnerability: The care and control of sex workers through designated police officers.
_The British journal of criminology_,
_65_(1), 17-36.
[https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026](https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026)
Informed by collaboratively produced research on an English police force, this article assesses the functionality of Sex Work Liaison Officer roles. Despite some of the trust-building processes that arose, the study concludes that caregiving has been limited by criminalization and creates contradictory surveillance and control practices. These results support the argument of the essay that genuine safety requires elimination of criminal punishment then the institution of rights-based, non-police avenues to justice. The paper provides a valuable comparative vision of policing-based reforms and decriminalization.
Blunt, Danielle, and Ariel Wolf. "Erased: The impact of FOSTA-SESTA and the removal of Backpage on sex workers."
_Anti-trafficking review_ 14 (2020): 117-121.
[https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148](https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148)
Blunt and Wolf (2020) document the impacts of FOSTA-SESTA and the 2018 shutdown of Backpage via participatory, sex worker–led research. Through surveys with online and street-based workers, they conclude that platform censorship reduced income security, devastated digital harm-reduction practices (like client review systems), and dispersed online communities. The study illustrates how "anti-trafficking" policy can heighten precarity and violence by dismantling the digital infrastructures that once protected workers.
**ReclaimingAgency.docx.pdf**
This file is too large to display. [View in new window](https://www.sweetstudy.com/files/reclaimingagency-docx-pdf)
**## WhatisaPechaKucha1.docx**
**ENGL 1102: PechaKucha**
**What is a PechaKucha?**
A PechaKucha is a presentation style that originated in Japan. The basic format is 20 slides presented at a rate of 20 second each. The idea is to make a more visual, engaging-style of presentation. Whereas many presenters who aren't using the PechaKucha format use fewer slides and load their slides with text (e.g. some lectures given by college faculty), PechaKucha presenters speed up the pace. In many cities, "PechaKucha Nights" feature presenters talking about various subjects using timed slides to keep everyone on pace. Most PechaKucha slides are visual as opposed to text-based. Some presentations contain no text whatsoever.
**Examples of PechaKucha**
1)
[PechaKucha on Making a PechaKucha](a.https://youtu.be/L31SwpN1dAc?si=jloJFCYspYYnWUuN)
a. Some of the slides are used as "special effects" to appeal to the audience.
b. Notice the juxtaposition of simple/complex material.
2)
[Student PechaKucha on Minimum Wage](https://youtu.be/JFSFQZtrAZk?si=6DFY2g_iAqxi-D3Z)
a. More "found images" and memes as opposed to original slides
b. Play of voices/rhetorical questions/use of a "naysayer" to create a sense of conversation and structure.
c. Presented from script
3)
[Next Generation Work, Next Generation Workers](https://www.pechakucha.com/presentations/next-generation-work-next-generation-workers)
a. A "true" PechaKucha using only images; no text.
b. Presented before an audience without notes.
**Additional Resources for Examples and Strategies**
1) Pechakucha.com
2) YouTube
**Recording**
The easiest and most versatile way to record your presentation is to use an application many people already have on their computer: Zoom. If you don't have Zoom, you can download it for free online. Inside of Zoom, you will "host" a meeting with yourself as the sole participant, share your screen and video, and record your presentation.
[Here is a short video that explains the process](https://youtu.be/P6cTbnUPwfY?si=cj3QeWq2EmZb6-rC).
**Considerations**
I will be looking for the following from your presentation
1)
**Overall run-time for the presentation of 6:30-8:30 minutes.** Don't worry about editing out dead air and the beginning and end of the presentation. Don't worry about minor stumbles. But do practice your presentation and keep it short.
Nothing longer than 8:30 please!We want you to give a streamlined version of your argument. This will require you to
cut and rework material from your essay, possibly for a different audience.
2)
**General use of the PechaKucha format.** I will not be counting slides or timing them; however, I do expect you to adhere to the general principles of PechaKucha outlined above. You should have at least 15 slides and spend roughly 20-40 second per slide.
3)
**Presentation features evidence of efforts to**
**_engage_ _the audience_** by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc.
4)
**Presentation presents a**
**_clear and concise_ summary** of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument
5)
**Presentation demonstrates**
**_evidence of planning_** through slide design, flow, structure, etc.
| | |
| — | — |
| Category | Score |
| Presentation is a <br>_PechaKucha_ between 6:30-8:30 minutes in length and features 15-20 slides (20 points) | |
| Presentation features evidence of efforts to <br>_engage_ _the audience_ by way of slide design, rhetorical questions, tone, etc. (20 points) | |
| Presentation presents a <br>_clear and concise_ summary of its problem/research question, surrounding discourse, argument. (25 points) | |
| Presentation demonstrates <br>_evidence of planning_ through slide design, flow, structure, etc. (25 points) | |
| Use of at least three <br>_original photographs_ taken by you, the presenter (10 points) | |
| Total: | |
**## SexWorkPolicyReform.docx**
Surname 2
Student’s name
Course Code & Title
Instructor’s name
Date
**Sex Work Policy Reform**
Aroney, Eurydice. "Changing minds and changing laws: How New Zealand sex workers and their allies shaped decriminalisation in New Zealand."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 18.4 (2021): 952-967.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00564-z)
Aroney outlines coalition-building, framing of public health, and worker leadership behavior that led to the eventual decriminalization of New Zealand in 2003. The paper shows that by putting sex-workers in the center and employing evidence of harm-reduction, the re-evaluation of risk-assessments by legislators was re-established. This historical review supports the claim in the essay that long-term reform can be developed when policy alliances put labor rights and safety first, rather than moral panic, and this offers practical approaches (such as redefining what constitutes a public nuisance as a workplace safety) to the U.S. campaigns.
Armstrong, Lynzi. "‘I can Lead the life that I want to Lead’: social harm, human needs and the decriminalisation of sex work in Aotearoa/New Zealand."
_Sexuality research and social policy_ 18.4 (2021): 941-951.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00605-7)
Using the narratives of New Zealand sex workers, Armstrong documents post-reform improvements in autonomy, bargaining power and recourse against violence, yet also says that stigma lingers. The research supports the argument in the essay that decriminalization is structural harm reduction by increasing access to justice and occupational health and, at the same time, demonstrates the need to make complementary investments in housing and immigration protection. These results undermine the so-called advantages of the so-called Nordic model by preempting the results that employees value: safety, self-determination, and labor norms.
Macioti, Paola Gioia, Jennifer Power, and Adam Bourne. "The health and well-being of sex workers in decriminalised contexts: a scoping review."
_Sexuality Research and Social Policy_ 20.3 (2023): 1013-1031.
[https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8](https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-022-00779-8)
This scoping review aggregates the empirical studies carried out in the decriminalized situations. Results suggest an increased availability of health services, better relations with law enforcement and stronger work place controls, despite the gaps that were found with regard to migrant and trans workers. The inferences support the overall argument of the essay that the decriminalization undermines structural risk factors of violence and poor health outcomes, including policing and stigma. The researchers also highlight that intersectional inequities research is necessary, and this perspective guides the advocacy of the essay that will focus on protective measures outside of the legal dimension.
Argento, Elena, et al. "The impact of end-demand legislation on sex workers’ access to health and sex worker-led services: A community-based prospective cohort study in Canada."
_PloS one_ 15.4 (2020): e0225783.
[https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783](https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0225783)
Using longitudinal data of the city of Vancouver, the study proves that the process of criminalizing buyers, i.e. end-demand, reduced access to healthcare and community resources and increased the risk due to the displacement of workers. These empirical results challenge claims of the Nordic model protecting sex workers, thus supporting the thesis of the essay that partial criminalization maintains damaging policing and affects harm-reduction infrastructures. The methodologies based on the community improve credibility through foregrounding barriers that are reported by workers.
McBride, Bronwyn, et al. "Harms of third-party criminalisation under end-demand legislation: undermining sex workers’ safety and rights."
_Culture, Health & Sexuality_ 23.9 (2021): 1165-1181.
[https://doi.org/ 10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305.](https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2020.1767305)
McBride and colleagues explain how making third parties (receptionists, security staff and managers) criminal infringes upon necessary safety initiatives, such as client screening, inside work, and resource-sharing, and exacerbates occupational risk. This fact supports the claim of the essay that labor-law interventions (e.g., licensing, occupational health and safety standards) are more effective than criminal punishment in alleviating exploitation. It also explains why the tendency to anti-pimping legislations backfires by throwing the arrangements to the dark side.
Bennachie, Calum, et al. "Unfinished decriminalization: The impact of Section 19 of the Prostitution Reform Act 2003 on migrant sex workers’ rights and lives in Aotearoa New Zealand."
_Social Sciences_ 10.5 (2021): 179.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050179)
Though Aotearoa New Zealand decriminalized sex work under the Prostitution Reform Act 2003, Section 19 specifically excludes the protection of migrants. Based on ethnographic and interview data collected over 24 months as part of the SEXHUM project, Bennachie et al. exhibit that such exclusion makes migrant sex workers vulnerable to exploitation and deportation, thus discouraging them to report the abuse or seek the help of the support services. The research situates these results in the context of more generalized forms of racialized and gendered expressions of sexual humanitarianism and demonstrates that decriminalization falls short unless it accompanies policies of immigration and anti-discrimination. These results put in place a warning precedent to jurisdictions that intend to make reforms excluding non-citizens.
Pearson, Jennie, et al. "Sex work community participation in criminalized environments: a community-based cohort study of occupational health impacts in Vancouver, Canada: 2010–2019."
_International Journal for Equity in Health_ 21.1 (2022): 18.
[https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8](https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-022-01621-8)
The authors examined nine years of cohort data of Vancouver, showing that participation in sex-worker community-based programs was associated with low chances of STI seropositivity, even in a criminalized environment. This statistical data confirms the argumentative recommendation of this essay to invest in sex-worker-led organizations as key elements of the public-health infrastructure and it highlights the inhibitory impacts of criminalization and racism on access by migrant and women-of-color groups.
Benoit, C., & Mellor, A. (2023). Decriminalization and what else? Alternative structural interventions to promote the health, safety, and rights of sex workers.
_Social Sciences_,
_12_(4), 202.
[https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202](https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040202)
This agenda-setting paper considers structural interventions that complement legal reform, i.e. housing, income support mechanisms, urban planning in ways that can help to support safer work environments, and digital access. It supports the thesis of the essay that despite the necessity of decriminalization, it is still not enough; more material safety and economic security should be organized on a broader labor policy and social policy, particularly in the post-COVID era. The synthesis helps in transforming normative promises into policy leverages that are implementable.
Brown, K., Grace, S., & Redman, S. (2025). Policing vulnerability: The care and control of sex workers through designated police officers.
_The British journal of criminology_,
_65_(1), 17-36.
[https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026](https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae026)
Informed by collaboratively produced research on an English police force, this article assesses the functionality of Sex Work Liaison Officer roles. Despite some of the trust-building processes that arose, the study concludes that caregiving has been limited by criminalization and creates contradictory surveillance and control practices. These results support the argument of the essay that genuine safety requires elimination of criminal punishment then the institution of rights-based, non-police avenues to justice. The paper provides a valuable comparative vision of policing-based reforms and decriminalization.
Blunt, Danielle, and Ariel Wolf. "Erased: The impact of FOSTA-SESTA and the removal of Backpage on sex workers."
_Anti-trafficking review_ 14 (2020): 117-121.
[https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148](https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148)
Blunt and Wolf (2020) document the impacts of FOSTA-SESTA and the 2018 shutdown of Backpage via participatory, sex worker–led research. Through surveys with online and street-based workers, they conclude that platform censorship reduced income security, devastated digital harm-reduction practices (like client review systems), and dispersed online communities. The study illustrates how "anti-trafficking" policy can heighten precarity and violence by dismantling the digital infrastructures that once protected workers.
**ReclaimingAgency.docx.pdf**
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